
The analysis of a transatlantic approach to migration is relevant in many ways. First, it allows investigating a poorly debated matter in the transatlantic relation literature as well as in governance studies and comparative efforts considering EU and US systems.
Second, it permits to underline the importance coordination in this matter has reached both in bilateral terms and in relations with third countries given, in particular, the linkage established between terrorism and migration. Third, it allows exploring another facet of relations with third countries, considered by the EU part and parcel of her external dimension to migration and asylum, albeit one which deeply differs from other patterns normally considered.
Abstract – This article considers a peculiar yet overlooked aspect in the management of irregular immigration: the repeated use of specific discourses in relation to determined governance processes. In particular, the ‘saving the lives’ discourse will be put under the spotlight in this work. The main objective is to show how this concern, often reported in European documents and speeches, has contributed to politicize irregular migration and asylum as well as to justify the undertaking of restrictive policies, posing consistency and effectiveness problems to the Union.
The paper investigates the development of the discourse, dating back to removal practices implemented by the Italian Government towards Libya in 2004: in order to save immigrant lives, it was stated, it was necessary to send irregulars back to departure points or prevent them crossing the Mediterranean sea. From that period onwards, the ‘saving the lives’ discourse became a widely employed discourse both at the national and at the European level.
The European Union (EU) emerged from what was originally designed to be a customs and economic union. Economic development was an instrument of reconciliation after WWII and a security discourse essentially supported integration by convincing states that security was a “European issue” (“unity is strength”).
In addition it promoted a supranational identity: “unity in diversity”.European economic integration resulted in increased interdependence; therefore, the EU has gradually also evolved into a security community. After the Treaty of the EU in 1992 and the ratification of the Schengen Treaty, the free movement of people was celebrated as both a necessary step and a success of European integration. Within Europe, mobility was seen as a necessary factor for developing integration and the movement of people was encouraged through mobility funding programmes1.
In brief, the EU’s security discourse focuses on the concept of “unity in diversity” and on norms of economic stability and shared sovereignty, and revolves around economic and political integration. Thus, internal migration was then seen as a positive factor and EU citizens supported it. External migration was perceived as a purely humanitarian action. However, free movement within the union also touched on the question of irregular immigration as those already inside the common borders could move around (within the Schengen zone) as easily as legal citizens.
The aim of this paper is to look at how the EU deals with a region that is conflict prone and marked by a high level of insecurity. The Horn of Africa is characterised by the existence of both open conflicts and latent conflicts. Moreover, these conflicts tend to have transnational and regional nature whether it is because of external interventions by neighbouring states or unresolved inter-state disputes.
The Horn of Africa is also a region of international strategic concern that touches on several security issues including violent conflicts, human rights violation, terrorism and migration. However, from the EU’s side, the most visible element of its involvement in the region is the deployment of EUNAVFOR Atalanta mission, but it is interesting to see whether this mission forms part of a more general approach toward the region. The paper thus focuses on the way the EU constructs the security problems of the Horn of Africa and the approach it adopts to address these problems.
This paper presents a conceptualisation of the determinants of the influence that regional organisations have at the global level in the area of peace and security. It is aimed at initiating and provoking debate on the understanding of the factors that are preponderant in shaping the manner in which regional organisations exert influence at the global level in the realm of international peace and security. The factors or determinants treated include the willingness of the regional organisation to act, the acceptance of its actions and its capacity to discharge such peace related tasks. The determinants are contingent on ten sub-determinants.