WP01_European_non-traditional_security_theory.pdf

Abstract: Debate about the nature of security has flourished in many parts of the world since before the end of the Cold War. Throughout that time, Europe has proved to be a major focus for research in what has been termed non-traditional - in some ways, non-American - security studies. Ours is not an argument about ownership: one can find non-traditional security studies globally, yet there has been a consistency to the development of non-traditional theorising in Europe, often facilitated by research grants from bodies such as the European Union. With 'securitisation theory', 'emancipation theory' and 'insecuritisation theory' three theories have developed in particular. Whilst much has been written about the theoretical details of each of these theories their empirical application remains comparatively scant. Informed by the beliefs that a) only empirical applications will solve some of the theoretical dilemmas inherent to each theory, and b) that the utility of theory can ultimately only be assessed through practical utility, our aim in this essay is to animate scholars to apply these theories to empirical research.

WP02_EU_Security_Governance.pdf

Abstract: The aim of this work is to provide informed insights about the main understandings on security governance. ‘Security governance’ as a concept is investigated, and the theoretical assumptions upon which or against which the term is built presented. Security governance literature lacks of a reflection upon the understanding and construction of ‘security’; instead, attempts at bridging the literature on security with that on security governance may enhance the theoretical and empirical relevance of the term. The analysis of the European system of security governance will emphasise how the post-Westphalian nature of states within Europe renders security regulation efforts different from those of other systems. Against this background, prospect of cooperation do not only depend on the possible exportation of the European system of security governance, but also on compatible interests among different actors and on European reliability as a security actor in cooperative efforts.

WP03_Mapping_Bilateralism.pdf

Abstract: This paper outlines the current status of EU-Bilateral relations with the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Brazil, Canada, China, India, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Israel, Japan, Libya, Pakistan, Russia and the United States of America. By providing an overview of these cases, the paper seeks to detail the nature of the EU bilateral relations with these countries and provide information to be used as part of the wider EU-GRASP project. It does this, by firstly defining the parameters of the term bilateralism, and then detailing the relationship by looking at Cooperation on Regional Conflict, Cooperation on Terrorism, Cooperation on WMD, Cooperation on Migration, Cooperation on Human Rights and Cooperation on Energy Security and Climate Change where applicable.

WP04_Mapping_Interregionalism.pdf

Abstract: This working paper “maps” the EU’s interregional relationship with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Mediterranean. The study serves as an inroad to deeper analysis within the EU-GRASP project, it is therefore restricted to a descriptive “mapping” rather than an “explanation” of various types of region-to-region relations. The paper focuses on the six security issues emphasised upon in the EU-GRASP project: regional conflict, weapons of mass destruction (WMD), terrorism, migration, energy and climate change, and human rights. The mapping shows that the EU’s involvement in interregionalism is a mixed bag both with regard to the security issues as well as counterparts. The EU’s interregional relationship with Africa is particularly comprehensive, resulting in that EU-Africa relations is given most attention.

WP05_Mapping_of_EU_Global_Cooperation.pdf

Abstract: As a regional actor with ambition of becoming a global actor, the European Union has engaged itself in various frameworks of cooperation at the global level. Still, when the EU engages with international institutions that have a global scope it has to manage with the internal governance of these institutions and the fact that most of these institution find it difficult to accommodate with the complexity of the European Union. By focussing on the six security issues that have been selected for the EU-GRASP project, this paper examines the way the EU has elaborated its cooperation with a variety of international institutions that have a global scope. The most important among these is the UN with whom the EU has developed cooperation at different levels and works with the Security Council, the General Assembly as well as the different UN Departments and Agencies. The other institutions under review in this paper include the different multilateral frameworks for disarmament, the OSCE and the ICC.

WP06_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_A_Framework_for_Analysis.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward a framework for analysis of this regional dimension and the various elements underpinning EU security policy in this spatial realm. The framework consists of an analysis of (i) the institutional dimension underpinning a security issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension; this ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP07_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Regional_Conflicts.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward an analysis of the regional dimension of regional conflicts by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of regional conflicts, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension; this ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP08_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Energy_Security___Climate_Change.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward an analysis of the regional dimension of energy security and climate change1 by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of energy security and climate change, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension. This ‘check-up’ of EU policy through an assessment of its coherence, current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP09_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Terrorism.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward an analysis of the regional dimension of the EU’s anti-terrorism policy by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of anti-terrorism, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension; this ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP10_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Weapons_of_Mass_Destruction.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper looks at weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of WMDs, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension. This ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP11_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Human_Rights.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward an analysis of the regional dimension of human rights by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of human rights, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension. This ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action, enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP12_The_EU_as_a_Regional_Actor_-_Migration.pdf

Abstract: The EU enacts its security policy on different levels and through various frameworks and structures of cooperation. One of these levels is the regional dimension (i.e. within the Union) where the EU acts as a regional security actor. This paper puts forward an analysis of the regional dimension of migration by assessing (i) the institutional dimension underpinning this issue, (ii) the EU’s policy output in the field of migration, and (iii) an evaluation of the Union’s institutional and output dimension; this ‘check-up’ of EU policy through the assessment of its coherence, the current levels of accountability, and the legitimacy of EU action enables a reflection on the merits of EU policy in the security field.

WP13_final.pdf

Abstract: In December 2003, the European Council published the first ever European Security Strategy (ESS), which clearly confirms the EU’s commitment to multilateralism. Ideally all member states would agree on a common position and thus speak with one voice, in multilateral fora, and also in bilateral cooperation with external states. Although many fora are mentioned in the ESS, special attention is given to the UN. Following is an examination of the EU’s experience with other multilateral organizations, both in policy practice and practical action. Considering the preference shown to the UN in the ESS, and the fact that it remains the largest and most broad multilateral forum, the EU-UN relationship will be explored in depth. The EU’s experience in a few other organizations will also be outlined, to put the UN experience in perspective. Finally suggestions will be made as to how the EU can further develop the ESS and its practical approach to external states, in order to build on the principle of multilateralism.

WP14_final.pdf

Abstract: The paper deals with the new actorness of the EU as a peacekeeper and supporter of the overstreched regime of UN-peaceoperations. It questions the added value of the new security governor “EU” in the classic field of security policy and analyses the inter-organisational governance of EU and UN as partners in crisis management. The case studies are the operations in the DR Congo, namely MONUC (since 1999), Artemis (2003) and EUFOR DR Congo (2006).

WP15_final.pdf

Abstract: This paper has two goals. The first is to investigate how the transition from the Westphalian to the post-Westphalian state, particularly in Europe, requires a reconceptualization of our approach the problem of security, in terms of content and form. The second goal is to assess how national security cultures shape national responses to four categories of national security governance policies: assurance (post-conflict interventions), prevention (pre-conflict interventions), protection (internal security), and compellence (military intervention). This line of enquiry is predicated upon two key assumptions: first, states can no longer be treated as homogeneous actors; and second, national responses to external threats are shaped by structural variables (e.g., the distribution of power) and agency circumscribed by the proscriptions and prescriptions of national security cultures. These assumptions bring forward the problem of reconciling state structure and the agency of national elites in the formulation of security policies, particularly in a comparative framework.

WP16_final.pdf

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to highlight the limits and inconsistency of the EU’s approach to security and democracy in the Middle East. Starting from an overview of EU’s main positions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the study focuses on the EU’s shift from a security to a human security approach. Although theoretically consistent in the case of the Palestinian Authority, this shift is actually quite problematic, both for the EU’s asymmetric approach to Israel and the PA, and for the importance the EU attaches to democratization in order to promote security. In the second part, the paper discusses security and democracy issues within the European Neighbourhood Policy. Finally, it highlights the EU’s asymmetric approach both to the security of Israel and the Palestinians and to the democratic conditionality the EU applies to both sides, above all in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

WP17_final.pdf

Abstract: This paper examines the trend in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) to frame climate change as a future security threat or ‘threat multiplier’. Using the Copenhagen School’s work on the securitisation of environmental problems as theoretical background, I contrast the American and European approach to climate security to clarify how the EU seeks to tackle the security implications of climate change. The focus is on the similarities and differences between American and European assessments of the urgency of climate change, its main security implications and possible security responses. The paper concludes that a securitisation of climate change has not yet happened in either the US or EU. This may be due to the lack of understanding among policy-makers of the causal links between the future impacts of climate change, political and social stability and violent conflicts.

WP18_final.pdf

Abstract: While the world is deeply changing, new metaphors, concepts and ideas arise which are to some extent related to those changes. Such new concepts are introduced as attempts to define and capture these ongoing changes. On the one hand, there is a (changing) social reality while, on the other hand, there are metaphors, concepts, ideas, models or theories used to explain that reality. However, this positivist perspective is challenged by social constructionists, who claim that concepts also have to be regarded as discursive tools. In other words, attempts to explain social reality are, at the same time, active players in constructing the social reality. Consequently, it is important to examine the reasons behind the use of a certain concept. This paper argues that ‘human security’ is one of those concepts used to construct today’s social reality. It will try to demonstrate that the concept of human security, besides its fundamental content-related importance, also represents a tool used by certain actors to challenge the Westphalian world order and its related security paradigm.

WP19_final.pdf

Abstract: Although the European Neighbourhood Policy contains a conflict prevention dimension, the outbreak of conflict in Georgia demonstrated the extent to which this dimension was underdeveloped at best, and completely ineffective, at worst. This article critically assesses the potential contribution that the Eastern Partnership initiative, and in particular its multilateral approach, can make to the EU’s impact on creating a climate that is conducive to reconciliation and long-term stability. It is argued that the multilateral approach within the Eastern Partnership certainly offers ‘new’ potential for long-term transformation. However, it also asserts that to be effective it must address some fundamental weaknesses within its multilateral and bilateral governance mode.

WP20_final.pdf

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to investigate the type of security governance that the EU puts in place when it deals with the question of migration by focusing more specifically on North and West Africa. The topic of migration serves here as an example of how the EU struggles to achieve its own security. For this purpose the paper will first investigate how migration has evolved as a security issue within the EU also pointing out the reasons for and the phases leading to the ‘external’ dimension of migration. The concept of “security governance‟ will be mobilized to grasp the multiple ways in which migration is regulated within the EU and towards external actors. The second part of the paper will focus on the different layers and frameworks of migration regulation that have been developed for and with West Africa and North Africa. This will allow us to see if and how the European Union deals consistently with origin, transit and destination countries, as well as the likely results and the possible inefficiencies.

WP21_final.pdf

Abstract: This paper presents an analysis of the multilateral system arguing that multilateralism is going through a profound set of changes as a result of: i) the emergence of new multilateral actors; ii) the development of new multilateral playing fields; and iii) the rise of new concepts of multilateralism. This has consequences for world politics: the world is moving from unipolarity towards a networked form of multipolarity. This paper proposes to grasp these changes through the ‘Web 2.0.’ metaphor, as the existing multilateralism system is contrasted with the emerging ‘Mode 2.0.’ of which the main characteristics are: (i) the diversification of multilateral organisations, (ii) the growing importance of non-state actors such as substate regions and supranational regional organisations; (iii) the increased interlinkages between policy domains and (iv) the growing space for citizen involvement. The main upshot is that the multilateral system is moving from a closed to an open system. Both states and international organisations will have to adapt to this new reality.

WP22_final.pdf

Abstract: The central aim of this paper is to discuss the question of how we can understand and explain the EU as a security actor - in essence, to elaborate on the current literature on security governance in order to provide a more theoretically driven analysis of the EU in security. Our contention is that whilst the current literature on security governance in Europe is conceptually rich, there still remains somewhat of a gap between those that do 'security governance' and those that focus on 'security' per se. We argue that a synergy or at least a conversation between these two literatures is required in order to enrich further the study of the EU as global-regional actor in peace and security.

WP23_final.pdf